Khaled Mashal, a founding member of Hamas, resided in Mez'ze, an upscale diplomatic district in Damascus. On numerous Fridays, he could be observed emerging from one of several mosques, particularly the al-Akram mosque, accompanied by his plainclothes bodyguards.
Although Mashal had an office-cum-residence in the Yarmoukh refugee camp in the Syrian capital, the Hamas leader primarily conducted his activities from this location. Mashal regularly attended National Day celebrations hosted by Arab Embassies.
But approaching him even for a handshake was not feasible. Only when Mashal signalled to his security personnel and pointed to someone he wished to converse with, that individual or a small group were permitted inside the security perimeter to engage with Mashal. His fear of crowded places stemmed from a failed Mossad attempt to assassinate him in Amman, where poison was injected in a public setting. He narrowly escaped death on that occasion.
Also Read: PM Benjamin Netanyahu reiterates no 'ceasefire' in Gaza | Latest updates
However, Western diplomats tended to avoid him. Even a mere greeting from them would result in Syrian electronic and print media featuring a headline news item along with a photograph and a caption that read, 'such and such countries' "started talking to Hamas."
It's important to note that Khaled Mashal did not lead a reclusive life in Damascus, and he was not media-shy. He served as the head of Hamas' Political Bureau, which meant he interacted with journalists daily. Local newspapers regularly published his interviews on a wide range of topics related to Palestine.
From these news items and his published articles, it was evident that his ideological stance was unwavering. He consistently emphasised that, in the context of Hamas, Israel did not exist, and there was no need to engage with them for any future resolution of the Palestinian state. Mashal harboured a deep disdain for Mahmoud Abbas, whom he regarded as "a person sold to the US."
In Mashal's view, armed struggle was the only path for Palestinians to secure their legitimate rights. He never condemned the killing of Israeli civilians by Hamas or other Palestinian rebel groups. He believed that those civilians, whether assisted by the Israeli military or employing their own violent means to occupy Palestinian territory, should be considered "combatants" in their struggle for the legitimate right to live in Palestine.
Also Read: Palestinians flee on foot as Israeli troops enter 'heart of Gaza city' | Latest updates
Hamas had a robust support base in the Yarmoukh refugee camp. Wealthy and upper-middle-class Palestinians in Syria, residing outside the camp, did not actively participate in Hamas activities but provided substantial donations when requested. The lower-middle-class and impoverished Palestinians, who relied on financial assistance from the Syrian regime, were the activists for Hamas.
Muslim Brotherhood
The Muslim Brotherhood had begun its activities in Gaza in 1973, establishing religious, educational, and social welfare institutions with the goal of spreading and enforcing Sharia laws among Palestinians. However, when the first Intifada erupted in the occupied territories in 1987, radical members of the Brotherhood in Gaza realised the need to engage in political activism.
The birth of Hamas can be traced to the period of the first Intifada. Harakat al-Muqawamah al-Islamiyya, or the Islamic Resistance Movement, is known by the abbreviation "Hamas," derived from the initial Arabic letters of the group's name. They assumed leadership in the armed struggle against the Israelis.
The Qassam Brigade, named after Izz ud-Din al-Qassam (1882-1935), a Syrian cleric who was the first militant to advocate for Palestinian rights against Israeli and British forces, served as the operational arm of Hamas, comprising its active combatants.
In response to Israeli persecution, Hamas leaders left Gaza for their safety and to provide guidance to their fighters, the Qassam Brigade members. They briefly operated from Jordan, where a substantial Palestinian population resided. However, the situation changed when Jordan established diplomatic relations with Israel in 1994, leading King Hussein to declare Hamas's presence unacceptable. Consequently, they sought refuge elsewhere.
Iran's support
Iran, dissatisfied with the Oslo Accord and the Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty, offered Hamas financial and defence assistance, including weapons, ammunition, and training through its Revolutionary Guards. Hamas quickly seized this opportunity and received an annual grant of approximately $30 million.
However, there was a critical issue — the Sunni Muslim Brotherhood members leading Hamas could not find exile in Shiite Iran. Syria emerged as a suitable location due to its close ties with Iran, hostility toward Israel, a substantial Palestinian refugee population, and its strategic proximity to their homeland.
Upon their arrival in Syria, Hamas faced challenges in gaining acceptance for their ideology and methods among Palestinian refugees and the Syrian government, which was ruled by the Ba'athist regime.
The Hamas organisation, primarily known for its commitment to violence and self-sacrifice, did not align with the religious and social beliefs or political philosophy of the Syrian government and Sunni Palestinians living in Syria. However, the Syrian regime's need for a group willing to use violence and self-sacrifice was more pressing than ideological differences. The Syrian government compromised and allowed Hamas to operate. This move also helped establish a working relationship among various left-leaning Palestinian groups in Syria, although Hamas later began recruiting members from these other groups.
Hamas' recruitment efforts, funded by Iran, proved remarkably effective, resulting in a substantial increase in its active membership within a short span of time. They were able to persuade Palestinian refugees that, apart from Israel being their primary adversary, Yasser Arafat, with his cunning tactics, was obstructing the realisation of their aspiration for an independent homeland.
Hamas leaders repeatedly emphasised that Arafat was aligned with the Americans and engaged in secretive negotiations with the Jews to safeguard his own position as President of the Palestinian Territory. They argued that without his removal, there could be no meaningful collective struggle by Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. This stance aligned with the Syrian regime's strategy of perpetuating the Palestinian issue as long as possible.
Hamas leadership in Syria actively prevented any attempts at unity between the Fatah leadership in the West Bank and Hamas activists in Gaza. Syria served as the operational nerve centre for Hamas, arranging for their military training in Hezbollah and PFLP-GC training camps. Weapons shipments from Iran were routed to Gaza through Syria and Lebanon, and funds were transferred to Hamas's civilian and military operatives in Palestine through a network of Syrian and Lebanese banking channels.
Hamas' ability to strike fear among Israelis and its growing popularity among the Palestinian grassroots can be attributed to the charismatic leadership of Khaled Mashal and the increasing acceptance of Islamic fundamentalism among Palestinians. However, it is crucial not to overlook Syria's role in this high-stakes game. This raises the question — Why did Syria bring Hamas into its fold and nurture the group so carefully?
Any country dealing with Syria from the mid-1990s to 2010 was well aware of how Syria used the Hamas card. As a pro-government Syrian political analyst once put it; "We don't have nuclear bombs, but we have Hamas. We use this group as a deterrent." However, Hamas was not merely a conventional deterrent. Its effectiveness needed to be demonstrated periodically.
The Qassam Brigade carried out numerous militant attacks under specific instructions from the Hamas office in Damascus, with Syria's involvement often evident. This was where Syria's interest in Hamas lay, and it successfully harnessed Hamas with active financial and military support from Iran.
Following the fall of Saddam Hussein in Iraq, the Bush-administration aimed to reshape the Middle East by promoting democracy in the region, starting with Palestine. Elections were held in both the West Bank and Gaza, certified as free, fair, and peaceful by the U.S. government. The surprising outcome was that Hamas won the majority of seats, which led to significant historical developments.
—The author, Amb. Soumen Ray, is an IFS (Retd) and former Indian Ambassador and High Commissioner, who has served extensively in Gulf, West Asia, and Eastern & Southern African countries. The views expressed are personal.
Although Mashal had an office-cum-residence in the Yarmoukh refugee camp in the Syrian capital, the Hamas leader primarily conducted his activities from this location. Mashal regularly attended National Day celebrations hosted by Arab Embassies.
But approaching him even for a handshake was not feasible. Only when Mashal signalled to his security personnel and pointed to someone he wished to converse with, that individual or a small group were permitted inside the security perimeter to engage with Mashal. His fear of crowded places stemmed from a failed Mossad attempt to assassinate him in Amman, where poison was injected in a public setting. He narrowly escaped death on that occasion.
Also Read: PM Benjamin Netanyahu reiterates no 'ceasefire' in Gaza | Latest updates
However, Western diplomats tended to avoid him. Even a mere greeting from them would result in Syrian electronic and print media featuring a headline news item along with a photograph and a caption that read, 'such and such countries' "started talking to Hamas."
It's important to note that Khaled Mashal did not lead a reclusive life in Damascus, and he was not media-shy. He served as the head of Hamas' Political Bureau, which meant he interacted with journalists daily. Local newspapers regularly published his interviews on a wide range of topics related to Palestine.
From these news items and his published articles, it was evident that his ideological stance was unwavering. He consistently emphasised that, in the context of Hamas, Israel did not exist, and there was no need to engage with them for any future resolution of the Palestinian state. Mashal harboured a deep disdain for Mahmoud Abbas, whom he regarded as "a person sold to the US."
In Mashal's view, armed struggle was the only path for Palestinians to secure their legitimate rights. He never condemned the killing of Israeli civilians by Hamas or other Palestinian rebel groups. He believed that those civilians, whether assisted by the Israeli military or employing their own violent means to occupy Palestinian territory, should be considered "combatants" in their struggle for the legitimate right to live in Palestine.
Also Read: Palestinians flee on foot as Israeli troops enter 'heart of Gaza city' | Latest updates
Hamas had a robust support base in the Yarmoukh refugee camp. Wealthy and upper-middle-class Palestinians in Syria, residing outside the camp, did not actively participate in Hamas activities but provided substantial donations when requested. The lower-middle-class and impoverished Palestinians, who relied on financial assistance from the Syrian regime, were the activists for Hamas.
Muslim Brotherhood
The Muslim Brotherhood had begun its activities in Gaza in 1973, establishing religious, educational, and social welfare institutions with the goal of spreading and enforcing Sharia laws among Palestinians. However, when the first Intifada erupted in the occupied territories in 1987, radical members of the Brotherhood in Gaza realised the need to engage in political activism.
The birth of Hamas can be traced to the period of the first Intifada. Harakat al-Muqawamah al-Islamiyya, or the Islamic Resistance Movement, is known by the abbreviation "Hamas," derived from the initial Arabic letters of the group's name. They assumed leadership in the armed struggle against the Israelis.
The Qassam Brigade, named after Izz ud-Din al-Qassam (1882-1935), a Syrian cleric who was the first militant to advocate for Palestinian rights against Israeli and British forces, served as the operational arm of Hamas, comprising its active combatants.
In response to Israeli persecution, Hamas leaders left Gaza for their safety and to provide guidance to their fighters, the Qassam Brigade members. They briefly operated from Jordan, where a substantial Palestinian population resided. However, the situation changed when Jordan established diplomatic relations with Israel in 1994, leading King Hussein to declare Hamas's presence unacceptable. Consequently, they sought refuge elsewhere.
Iran's support
Iran, dissatisfied with the Oslo Accord and the Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty, offered Hamas financial and defence assistance, including weapons, ammunition, and training through its Revolutionary Guards. Hamas quickly seized this opportunity and received an annual grant of approximately $30 million.
However, there was a critical issue — the Sunni Muslim Brotherhood members leading Hamas could not find exile in Shiite Iran. Syria emerged as a suitable location due to its close ties with Iran, hostility toward Israel, a substantial Palestinian refugee population, and its strategic proximity to their homeland.
Upon their arrival in Syria, Hamas faced challenges in gaining acceptance for their ideology and methods among Palestinian refugees and the Syrian government, which was ruled by the Ba'athist regime.
The Hamas organisation, primarily known for its commitment to violence and self-sacrifice, did not align with the religious and social beliefs or political philosophy of the Syrian government and Sunni Palestinians living in Syria. However, the Syrian regime's need for a group willing to use violence and self-sacrifice was more pressing than ideological differences. The Syrian government compromised and allowed Hamas to operate. This move also helped establish a working relationship among various left-leaning Palestinian groups in Syria, although Hamas later began recruiting members from these other groups.
Hamas' recruitment efforts, funded by Iran, proved remarkably effective, resulting in a substantial increase in its active membership within a short span of time. They were able to persuade Palestinian refugees that, apart from Israel being their primary adversary, Yasser Arafat, with his cunning tactics, was obstructing the realisation of their aspiration for an independent homeland.
Hamas leaders repeatedly emphasised that Arafat was aligned with the Americans and engaged in secretive negotiations with the Jews to safeguard his own position as President of the Palestinian Territory. They argued that without his removal, there could be no meaningful collective struggle by Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. This stance aligned with the Syrian regime's strategy of perpetuating the Palestinian issue as long as possible.
Hamas leadership in Syria actively prevented any attempts at unity between the Fatah leadership in the West Bank and Hamas activists in Gaza. Syria served as the operational nerve centre for Hamas, arranging for their military training in Hezbollah and PFLP-GC training camps. Weapons shipments from Iran were routed to Gaza through Syria and Lebanon, and funds were transferred to Hamas's civilian and military operatives in Palestine through a network of Syrian and Lebanese banking channels.
Hamas' ability to strike fear among Israelis and its growing popularity among the Palestinian grassroots can be attributed to the charismatic leadership of Khaled Mashal and the increasing acceptance of Islamic fundamentalism among Palestinians. However, it is crucial not to overlook Syria's role in this high-stakes game. This raises the question — Why did Syria bring Hamas into its fold and nurture the group so carefully?
Any country dealing with Syria from the mid-1990s to 2010 was well aware of how Syria used the Hamas card. As a pro-government Syrian political analyst once put it; "We don't have nuclear bombs, but we have Hamas. We use this group as a deterrent." However, Hamas was not merely a conventional deterrent. Its effectiveness needed to be demonstrated periodically.
The Qassam Brigade carried out numerous militant attacks under specific instructions from the Hamas office in Damascus, with Syria's involvement often evident. This was where Syria's interest in Hamas lay, and it successfully harnessed Hamas with active financial and military support from Iran.
Following the fall of Saddam Hussein in Iraq, the Bush-administration aimed to reshape the Middle East by promoting democracy in the region, starting with Palestine. Elections were held in both the West Bank and Gaza, certified as free, fair, and peaceful by the U.S. government. The surprising outcome was that Hamas won the majority of seats, which led to significant historical developments.
—The author, Amb. Soumen Ray, is an IFS (Retd) and former Indian Ambassador and High Commissioner, who has served extensively in Gulf, West Asia, and Eastern & Southern African countries. The views expressed are personal.
First Published: Nov 10, 2023 7:11 AM IST
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